Sunday, 18 May 2025

Understanding and Enhancing Felt Safety at Live Music Events through Group Psychology

 

Safety at live music events has become an increasing concern in recent years, spurred by high-profile incidents that have attracted global attention. These incidents have driven calls for more government support and funding to improve crowd safety at live events, without which, experts argue, further incidents are inevitable.

Widely reported crowd disasters underscore the inherent risks of participation in large crowds. The dynamic nature of crowd events make it difficult to establish a hard and fast metric for safe crowd density. However, densities well exceeding the 5 people per square metre maximum recommended in some guidance regularly occur at live music events without causing a safety incident, and without diminishing attendees' positive experiences. This raises the question: if safety isn’t purely about density, what other factors influence audience experiences of safety at live music events?

Over the past two years, we have been conducting research looking at people’s experiences of participation in crowds at live music events. As part of this, we have explored the factors which influence perceptions of safety. Our research combines insights from 26 interviews with regular attendees and event staff in the UK and USA, ethnographic observations at large-scale events, and survey responses from over 2,000 participants to uncover the factors influencing felt safety at live music events.

Feeling Safe in a Crowd

Research has previously shown the role of the crowd in influencing perceptions of a safe environment. Specifically, work adopting a social identity approach to crowd behaviour highlights how participating in a crowd can foster a sense of shared group identity, which in turn can influence the values and behaviours deemed acceptable within the crowd. These findings have been replicated in the context of live music events. For instance, Morton and Power (2021) demonstrated how shared identity and trust among festival attendees played a crucial role in fostering perceptions of safety when live events re-opened following closures imposed because of the COVID pandemic. Elsewhere, Drury and colleagues (2015) investigated a near disastrous outdoor music event, finding that that social identification within the crowd enhanced feelings of safety by fostering trust and expectations of mutual aid among attendees.

Similarly, across our interviews, we found that other members of the crowd were cited as one of the most important factors in perceptions of safety. Interviewees frequently mentioned that their sense of safety was influenced by the behaviour and perceived identities of those around them. Attendees felt safer when they shared identity with others in the audience—be it based on age, gender, or a shared love for the same genre of music.

Previous research on crowds at religious mass gatherings and mass demonstrations found that sharing identity with others can lead people to feel safe in a crowd, even where levels of density are very high and objectively dangerous. Echoing this, our survey found that participants who felt a stronger sense of identity with others in the crowd were more likely to report standing in a crowded location.

This is not to say that shared identity with other members of the crowd is the only factor influencing perceptions of safety. Many of our interviewees highlighted the role played by atmosphere in promoting feelings of safety: a positive and cohesive crowd mood -- often inferred through interactions and responses to the music -- can help foster a sense of community and security. Conversely, poorly managed events can lead to frustration and erode this sense of positive atmosphere, increasing feelings of vulnerability, and highlighting the importance of organisational factors in contributing to feelings of safety.

Our survey study provides further evidence of the role of organisational factors: alongside the friendliness of others in the crowd, both the appropriateness of security measures and the presence of staff were found to positively influence participants’ sense of safety. This was echoed in our interviews, where participants frequently emphasised the importance of contextually appropriate security measures. While visible security was reassuring at larger events, it could inhibit a sense of freedom and expression at smaller gigs. Striking the right balance between professionalism and relatability is crucial for staff to positively contribute to the overall event atmosphere.

Just as a common identity within the crowd is important for enhancing safety, so a common identity with staff and organizers is crucial. Of course, staff are not ‘the same’ as the audience, but at another level they can be seen as ‘our staff’ in a superordinate group identity. This inclusive sense of community or ‘family’ is something that successful festivals like Roskilde and Glastonbury promote, and it is key to their identity.

How does one create such a superordinate identity and how does it contribute to safety? Our survey found that the more that audience members felt that staff treated them in fair and supportive way, the more that they felt a sense of community with staff, which in turn predicted trust in staff and listening to them. In short, the more that audience members see staff as ‘part of our group’ the more likely they are to follow any safety instructions from them.

The Crowd as a Safety Resource

Despite the inherent risks associated with participation in dense crowds at live music events, crowds themselves can be an incredibly valuable safety resource. Multiple interviewees gave examples of support they had received in times of need in a crowd, again often tied to a sense of shared identity with others at the event.

In fact, we observed this capacity of the crowd to act as a safety resource during our ethnographic work at a three-day festival in Atlanta, USA. During a performance, we noticed a medic walking through the crowd to attend to an audience member, with a few attendees in the area appearing to signal to the medic the precise location (see Figure 1, below). Interestingly, once at the scene, the medic appeared to signal towards the front of the stage, both waving and using what looked like a flashlight. This resulted in a large number of attendees in the immediate vicinity joining in the signalling to the front by waving (Figure 2), thereby amplifying the medic’s signal, and ultimately resulting in an acknowledgement from the artist, who proceeded to check with the group in that area:

Artist: “Can we get someone in the middle here? We’ve got someone down. [Asks audience] They’re coming? They’re coming? Oh they’re good, they’re good.”

Figures 1 and 2: Members of the crowd work together to collectively signal for medical assistance

The Artist’s Role in Crowd Safety

The above example points to a further factor in experiences of safety in crowds at live music events – the role of the artist. Artists emerged as significant influencers of crowd behaviour and safety perceptions. Many interviewees highlighted the duty of care artists hold in setting the tone for events, highlighting how artists have the capacity to carefully choreograph crowd interactions and crowd movement, as well as establish general safety norms such as one example where the lead singer of a band requested audience members to wear masks in relation to the COVID pandemic to reduce health risks.

Artists can also undermine safety. Some interviewees described incidents where artists encouraged risky behaviour, such as ignoring venue rules, leading to crowd management challenges. Others described how an artist turning up late led to a feeling of restlessness and aggression within the crowd – something again observed in our ethnographic research, where crowd members waiting for a late artist took to throwing bottles of water into other areas of the crowd.

The power of the artist to shape crowd behaviour, and the limits of that, is further evidenced in our survey study. When participants were asked which factors most influence crowd behaviour, the artist was listed as number 1, above the organisation of the event and even levels of intoxication of other crowd members. This appears to be particularly the case for participants who identify strongly as a fan of the artist – those who identify as fans more strongly are more likely to respond to calls for action which come from the artist, including potentially unsafe behaviours such as jumping up and down, crowd surfing or participating in a ‘wall of death’.

What This Means for Practice

Our findings have several practical implications for event organisers, artists, and staff:

Foster a Positive Crowd Atmosphere: Facilitating a sense of shared identity and mutual respect within the crowd, and between the crowd and staff, can significantly enhance safety perceptions and objective safety. This can be achieved through communication of event values beforehand, fostering inclusive environments, and forms of (fair and supportive) interaction with staff during the event (informative, engaging/ listening, empathizing, respectful).

Consider Pre-Event Organisation: The perception of safety begins long before attendees arrive at the venue. Transparent communication about safety protocols -- such as health measures or ticketing procedures -- can reassure attendees that organisers take their safety seriously. We know safety and service are linked – both in audience experience and in underlying psychology. So link these procedures to audience experience: ‘this is how we care for each other’.

Leverage the Crowd as a Safety Resource: Crowds can act as a valuable safety resource through their capacity to coordinate actions like signalling for help or maintaining order (collective self-regulation). Event organisers should ensure that staff are trained to recognise and respond to such signals effectively, through knowing group psychology.

Equip Artists with Awareness: Artists should recognise and understand their influence on crowd behaviour and receive guidance on how to set positive behavioural norms. Small actions, such as acknowledging safety concerns or addressing inappropriate behaviour, can make a significant difference. Just as staff need to understand the group psychology underlying audience behaviour and experience, so do artists.

Conclusion

Felt safety at live music events is not solely determined by logistical factors but is deeply intertwined with the behaviour and identities of the crowd, artists, and staff. By fostering shared purpose and trust among all parties involved, event organisers can create environments that not only feel safer but also enhance the overall experience for attendees. As the live music industry continues to evolve, these insights offer valuable guidance for creating safer and more enjoyable events for everyone.

Acknowledgements

The research described in this blogpost was the work of Harry Lewis, John Drury, Hanna Eldarwish, Danielle Evans, Fiona Green, Sanj Choudhury and Lewis Doyle.

Wednesday, 18 December 2024

Why crowd behaviour matters - for psychology and society - my professorial lecture

Sunday, 4 August 2024

The August 2024 riots: Empowerment of the xenophobes



The riots in some English towns this week came 13 years almost to the day after the wave of riots that swept England following the killing of Mark Duggan in London, 2011. There are some parallels, but also some crucial differences. The 2011 riots were driven to a significant extent by anti-police anger and resentment. The 2024 riots are driven by racism: xenophobia and Islamophobia. The other parallel is with what happened immediately after the Brexit vote in 2016 and the Trump victory in the same year. Each was followed by a spike in hate crimes, most of which were ‘racially’ motivated. The Trump victory was also followed by an upsurge in far-right street mobilizations.

A lot has been said about the role of ‘coordination’ in the August 2024 xenophobic riots. But there is a significant ‘spontaneous’ element that also needs explanation, as does the relation between coordination and spontaneity in collective events like these. This is where social psychology comes in.

A short answer to the question of why the August riots spread is meta-perception and collective empowerment of specific group identities. ‘Meta-perception’ refers to what people believe about what other people believe. Collective empowerment in events like these can have different sources.

First, it can arise from a belief about public opinion. With the unexpected Brexit and Trump results in 2016, xenophobes suddenly (and mistakenly) believed that their racist views were widely shared. They thought they would be supported if they took threatening and violent action against those they perceived as ‘foreign’. The Brexit and Trump hate-crime spikes were driven by empowerment, not just grievance.

Why might people at the first of the August wave of xenophobic riots (Southport, 30th July) feel their views were widely shared? Social media has been highlighted. But note also that, just three days before, ‘thousands of people’ marched in London on the ‘Tommy Robinson’ ‘patriots’ demo. A big demonstration is a way of building a sense that ‘you are not alone’, that many others think like you, and so of capacity building.

Second, empowerment can arise within the events. Where police appear increasingly unable to prevent the rioting, people in further locations gain a sense of vicarious empowerment. They believe the police locally won’t cope either. Although activists have been identified as leading players in the far-right riots, where others share with them the police as a common outgroup, they too can become empowered. This helps explain why other people less committed to the xenophobic ideology also start joining in.

Moreover, enacting their xenophobic identity in a way they are not usually able (through attacks on shops, hotels etc. but also defeating the police) is itself empowering to them because it reverses normal social relations. It enhances their sense of agency. It fuels another kind of spread. Those involved now feel confident to do the same again, perhaps travelling to another location to do so.

Third, collective empowerment can arise from the expectation that like-minded others will come out onto the streets locally. The precondition for this expectation is the participant’s belief that there are others locally who broadly agree with them and who therefore constitute an ‘us’ or ‘we’. When there is a critical mass of such people, a riot can occur. When riots happen in other locations over ‘similar’ issues, such people increasingly believe that people will now come out on to their own streets locally. Belief that others like self will come onto the street provides expectations of support for ingroup normative action (in this case xenophobic action) and hence the intention to act. The social media calls from the far-right activists could help promote the expectation also, by creating an impression of widespread intentions.

Solutions to this crisis of xenophobic riots from a social psychological perspective address these empowerment processes at source. First, potential participants need to understand that there is not the wider public support they think there is for their views, that the opposite is the case. Second, prevent them mobilizing and marching, to limit that capacity-building. Third, prevent their actions (including smaller acts of hate) from having a tangible impact – prevent them from turning their subjective identity into objective reality – by negating and cancelling out their effects. And fourth, as it is particular identities that are empowered or disempowered, assert and support collective identities antagonistic to theirs. For example, well-organized and -attended groups and activities based on international class solidarity help to defeat racism and xenophobia on the streets by making such solidarity more realistic than the racist vision.

This analysis and these kinds of actions also address the wider problem of why people support tyrannical systems such as fascism. These movements gain much of their support from being seen able to put their beliefs into practice. Their capacity for organizing and achieving their goals legitimizes them and gives them credibility. Undermining their capacity to act and organize undermines their credibility in the eyes of others who might consider supporting them. 


Monday, 1 January 2024

Six zombie ideas in crowd psychology

 

What are zombie ideas? These are ideas that keep coming back, even though they have been thoroughly refuted by the evidence. They should be dead, but they won’t stay dead! They keep coming back because they serve certain interests or prejudices (or both). Here are six zombie ideas in crowd psychology that keep cropping up in everyday talk, in the news, among policymakers and practitioners, and in academic publications. And here’s why they’re wrong.

1. De-individuation

The most distinctive claim in the ‘de-individuation’ family of theories was inherited from Gustave Le Bon – the idea that being anonymous leads to a loss of self and hence uncontrolled, anti-normative behaviour. This idea could not cope with the evidence that conditions of anonymity in fact are associated with a wide range of behaviours, including accentuation of pro-social behaviours. There is little evidence that anonymity leads to a ‘de-individuated’ state of reduced private self-awareness. Rather, anonymity makes group identities more salient and hence leads to more, not less, conformity to relevant situational norms.

Key reading: Postmes & Spears (1998)


Gustave Le Bon headstone
(Pierre-Yves Beaudouin / Wikimedia Commons / CC BY-SA 4.0)

2. Groupthink

While groupthink is supposedly a pitfall of small groups and organizations rather than crowds, I include it here as it’s another example of an anti-collectivist concept. It is used loosely by commentators to refer to any situation where group members prioritise the group’s own ideas over critical or external views. For example, some of those involved in decision-making at the height of the Covid pandemic have used the idea of groupthink to explain organizational failures in decision-making. The distinctive claim of the ‘groupthink’ concept is that highly cohesive groups will be subject to concurrence-seeking at the expense of critical inquiry, leading to faulty decisions. A big problem for this idea is that there is not much evidence that greater cohesiveness leads to worse decision-making. Rather than the tendency to ignore critical evidence being a function of groupness, it’s more likely to be an effect of particular group norms (for example that value loyalty).

Key reading: Aldag (2022)

3. Mass panic

Aside from the profound problems of judging whether behaviour counts as ‘panic’ in an emergency (what is reasonable behaviour in this situation?) and the related problem of trying to import a polysemic everyday term into scientific explanation, there is another basic problem. There is no evidence that people in crowds are typically uncontrolled, selfish or competitive in emergencies. The common finding of social support among people in emergencies adds to the problems of this concept.

Key reading: Clarke (2002)

4. Contagion

One of the most popular concepts in the social and behavioural sciences, ‘contagion’ is often used synonymously with spread and social influence. But there is little evidence that mere exposure alone is sufficient to prompt emulation. Group boundaries in the transmission of behaviours and emotions demonstrate this. Even for supposedly basic processes like so-called emotional contagion, reviews of the evidence suggest that the mimicry involved is not automatic, but rather relates to communication goals that already involve an emotional orientation to the other person.

Key reading: Drury et al. (2019)

5. The hooligan

The hooligan is a concept from sociology more than psychology, but it is a good example of a dispositional explanation. For the earliest beginnings of crowd psychology as a science, some have claimed that crowd conflict occurs through the convergence of certain kinds of individuals (usually with criminal, violent, or poorly socialized dispositions). From the 1960s urban riots in the USA to the 2011 English riots, proponents of such ideas have failed to produce the required evidence. In the football context, of course some groups seek conflict, but this in itself can’t explain collective behaviour. As Stott and Pearson explain, the 'hooligan' concept has little explanatory power: ‘disorder’ sometimes occurs when known ‘hooligans’ are not present; and when known ‘hooligans’ are present, ‘disorder’ doesn’t always take place.

Key reading: Pearson & Stott (2022)

6. Mob mentality

An overarching zombie idea, that links many of the above, but which also includes the distinctive claims that in crowds people revert to a simpler, less intelligent, and more primitive or archaic psychology, under the influence of which behaviour tends to gullibility, barbarism, loss of control, and violence. The fundamental problem here is two-fold. First, if this is a real tendency it cannot easily explain the majority of crowds, which are peaceful and pro-social. Second, the suggestion of a universal tendency like this cannot explain the social form of behaviour when there is crowd violence. To explain the distinct targets of the sans culottes, urban rioters, football fans and many others, and the sophistication in even the most violent crowd, it makes better sense to refer to their identities, group norms, and values.

Key reading: Reicher (1984)